LAYING THE BASIS FOR A JUSTICIABLE CONTROVERSY

Concurrently with the con-ass controversy is the talk of how a justiciable controversy may be created to force the hands of the Supreme Court in settling the debate on voting separately or jointly. As explained by House Speaker Prospero Nograles "there is a need for a legal referee to come in to at least enlighten the legal minds on what to do."

I see two legal issues looming in this latest drama. One is whether HR 1109 - resolution convening Congress into a con-ass - by itself is sufficient to authorize proposed amendments to the Constitution. The other is the mechanics of voting to be adopted by Congress in proposing the amendments.

Every student of civics who has studied his or her homework will be able to answer the first issue. We don't need Senator Juan Ponce Enrile or Fr. Joaquin Bernas, let alone the Supreme Court, to tell us that in a bicameral Congress both Houses (Senate and House of Rep) must act favorably to carry out any legislative measure or resolution involving Congress as a whole. If the Constitution explicitly prohibits each House of Congress from adjourning for more than three days without the consent of the other, there is all the more reason that both Houses must agree in proposing amendments to the Constitution, which is undoubtedly a function of utmost importance. Unless HR 1109 is concurred in by the Senate or a similar counter-part measure is adopted by it, which does not appear to be the case considering the objections voiced by several senators already, this resolution is nothing but an expression of the sentiment or desire of the Lower House.

On the second issue, which has been the nagging question since this whole idea of a con-ass came to the fore, this will only become relevant once the Senate agrees to come into a joint session with the Lower House in proposing amendments. So let's not get ahead of ourselves folks because the way things are right now, as already observed, the Senate is not inclined to join; in fact, its members are averse to it, and for a good measure considering the growing public outrage against Cha-cha. Senator Pimentel read the political climate well when he said the Cha-cha and con-ass proponents face imminent political deaths.

So where is the justiciable controversy now? The answer appears to be in the most stupid direction that the House may take, which is to proceed with the convoluted view that, as an unthinking congressman said, the House can do it alone in proposing Charter changes. And Nograles's statement is illuminting when he said everything is possible in the Philippines when asked about the next steps to be taken after the approval of HR 1109. Accordingly, the Lower House will now proceed to adopt rules for the proceedings of its putative con-ass and start debating and proposing amendments to the Constitution and submit the same to the people for approval in a plebiscite.

If the House takes this patently and grossly illegal path (excuse the lawyer talk), a justiciable controversy will arise for then the House would be acting in excess of its constitutional powers from which it could legally be enjoined via prohibition and certiorari (available when a governmental body acts beyond its powers and abuses its discretions). The Senate would be deprived of its constitutional right to propose amendments to the Constitution, which would be an institutional harm or injury to it. Needless to say, the Constitution says it is Congress and not the Lower House alone that may propose amendments.

Until this happens, however, HR 1109 alone cannot be the basis of a suit as mistakenly thought by lawyer Oliver Lozano who jumped into the fray in haste by filing a petition before the Supreme Court. As held by the Supreme Court in Tan v. Macapagal, "it is a prerequisite that something had by then been accomplished or performed by either branch before the court may come into the picture." Only when the House proposes amendments to the exclusion of the Senate, will the House have performed acts the legality of which the court may rule upon. Thus, in Francisco v. House of Representatives the Supreme Court took cognizance of the petitions challenging the legality of the second impeachment complaint against former Chief Justice Hilario Davide, Jr. when it ruled that the filing of the complaint before the House and adoption by the latter of the rules of impeachment constituted the alleged constitutional acts that satisfied the prerequisites for ripeness of the suit.

But if the House takes this route - which I believe the Supreme Court would assuredly strike down - it would still fail in its effort to force the issue on joint or separate voting which the majority have been dying to have adjudicated. The majority's penchant for a ruling on the issue of joint or separate voting is tactical. If the Supreme Court rules in favor of joint voting, they could try to amass the three-fourths vote among its huge membership alone to carry out their pet amendments, effectively outvoting any opposition from the lesser-numbered Senate. The majority's seeming confidence in having its view prevail in the Supreme Court lies in the composition of the court. With President Arroyo having the opportunity to fill more vacancies in the court, we could almost be sure that those to be appointed are those who will possess similar views. Call it conspiracy theory, but it seems that even as now appointees are already being vetted by the JBC about their views on Charter change.

But then again, the majority in the House still needs to be more creative in bringing out the issue of voting jointly or separately. Thus far, there is no indication that they are anywhere near that position.